Housing & homelessness

About this topic

Everyone has the right to an adequate standard of living – this includes acceptable housing and the continuous improvement of living conditions (Hohmann 2020). Having a home provides safety, stability and security. Being homeless or living in unstable or crowded housing can be detrimental to a person’s wellbeing and development. It can also exacerbate mental health conditions (Brackertz et al. 2018).

Connection to body, mind and emotions

Connection to body and connection to mind and emotions are 2 of the 7 domains of social and emotional wellbeing for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) people.

Social and emotional wellbeing is a holistic way of looking at relationships between individuals, family, kin and community in the context of land, culture, spirituality and ancestry. Cultural groups and individuals each have their own interpretation of social and emotional wellbeing (Gee et al. 2014).

Having stable housing supports connection to mind and emotions (PM&C 2017). Adequate housing with working washing, bathing and food preparation facilities supports connection to body (Osborne et al. 2013). Living in overcrowded housing can affect physical and mental health (AIHW 2022b).

Housing

Housing circumstances – such as tenure, affordability, the amount of living space and location – are key determinants of physical and mental health. The relationship between housing and health is complex. It can be difficult to determine which is the cause and which is the symptom (AIHW & NIAA 2023).

A safe home with working facilities is a key factor supporting the wellbeing of First Nations people. Living in a house with inadequate sanitation, food preparation and water facilities can lead to health problems, including poor mental health (Osborne et al. 2013). Overcrowding can result in limited access to facilities, lack of privacy and impaired sleep quality and quantity. This also affects mental health (Buergelt et al. 2017).

In 2020, all Australian governments and the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations worked in partnership to develop the National Agreement on Closing the Gap- external site opens in new window (the National Agreement), built around 4 Priority Reforms. The National Agreement also identifies 19 targets across 17 socioeconomic outcome areas. Two of these targets directly relate to housing, monitored annually by the Productivity Commission.

National Agreement on Closing the Gap: housing-related targets

Outcome area 9: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people secure appropriate, affordable housing that is aligned with their priorities and need

Target A: By 2031, increase the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in appropriately sized (not overcrowded) housing to 88% (from 78.9% in 2016).
Status: Nationally in 2021, 81.4% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were living in appropriately sized (not overcrowded) housing. This was almost the same as the target trajectory of 81.9%.
Target B: By 2031, all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander households:

i. within discrete Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander communities receive essential services that meet or exceed the relevant jurisdictional standard.

ii. in or near to a town receive essential services that meet or exceed the same standard as applies generally within the town (including if the household might be classified for other purposes as a part of a discrete settlement such as a “town camp” or “town based reserve”).
Status: There is no data source currently available which includes all required data elements to report on progress toward Target 9B.

Source: Closing the Gap information repository

Homelessness

What is homelessness?

There is no single definition of homelessness. The Australian Bureau of Statistics considers a person to be experiencing homelessness when their current living arrangement is any of the following:

It is in a dwelling that is inadequate.
It has no tenure or the tenure is short and not extendable.
It does not allow them to have control of, and access to, space for social relations (ABS 2012).

What causes homelessness?

Homelessness can be the result or cause of many social, economic and health‑related factors. Limited access to affordable and available housing can contribute to homelessness (Johnson et al. 2015; Wood et al. 2015). Additionally, mental health conditions, family and domestic violence, trauma and substance misuse can make a person more at risk of becoming homeless (Fitzpatrick et al. 2013).

In addition to limited access to housing, homelessness can also be defined as losing one’s sense of control over, or legitimacy in, the place where one lives.

For First Nations people, homelessness can be spiritual, as a result of being disconnected from one’s homeland, separated from family or kinship networks, or not being familiar with one’s cultural heritage (Brackertz et al. 2018; Memmott et al. 2004).

Under the National Housing and Homelessness Agreement, governments across Australia work together and fund a range of services to improve housing affordability and homelessness outcomes for low–moderate income households (CFFR 2019). Improving housing outcomes for First Nations people is a specific goal under this national agreement.

Key statistics

Stable and secure housing is fundamentally important to health and wellbeing (AIHW 2019a). Housing circumstances – such as tenure, affordability, the amount of living space and location – are key determinants of physical and mental health (Foster et al. 2011; Marsh et al. 2000). However, causal relationships between poor housing and poor health are complex, and directionality is not always clear. For example, poor housing circumstances can contribute to poor health, and poor health can result in households living in worse housing circumstances (Brackertz & Wilkinson 2017).

Caution should be taken in ascribing the direction of relationships using the Clearinghouse analysis. While the analysis found associations between variables, it cannot determine the direction of the relationships nor the causal factors/variables.

Homelessness

The data presented in this section are sourced from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Census of Population and Housing, 2021 (census) for persons aged 15 years or over. The census is a count of population and dwellings and collects data on age, sex and other characteristics of the population (ABS 2021). The analysis of census data presented below should be interpreted with caution due to the high non-response rate for both the ‘long-term health conditions’ variable among people experiencing homelessness. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data.

In 2021, according to census data, around one in 5 (24,895) people experiencing homelessness in Australia were First Nations. Of these, 3 in 5 (60%) were living in ‘severely’ crowded dwellings (Figure 1, Table HH.1). This compared with 2 in 5 (40%) non-Indigenous Australians in the same category (Table HH.1).

1. Data reported for persons 15 years and over.
2. The ABS statistical definition of homelessness is: When a person does not have suitable accommodation alternatives, they are considered homeless if their current living arrangement: is in a dwelling that is inadequate; has no tenure, or if their initial tenure is short and not extendable; does not allow them to have control of, and access to, space for social relations.
3. Cells in this table have been randomly adjusted to avoid the release of confidential data. No reliance should be placed on small cells.
4. For more information about the Homelessness operational groups (OPGP) variable, see Explanatory notes in the Download data tables.

The 2021 Census included living arrangements that put people at risk of homelessness (marginal housing). Census data showed that almost one in 7 (15%) people at risk of homelessness were First Nations. More than 9 in 10 (93%) of marginally housed First Nations people were living in crowded dwellings (Table HH.1).

About one in 13 (7.6%) First Nations people experiencing homelessness had a mental health condition. This proportion was smaller than for non-Indigenous Australians, where around one in 8 (13%) experiencing homelessness also had a mental health condition. The proportion of people at risk of homelessness who also had a mental health condition was about the same for First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians (7.0% compared with 6.3%) (Figure 2; Table HH.2).

The number of First Nations males and females who were experiencing homelessness and had a mental health condition was about the same (937 and 965 persons, respectively). The numbers were also similar for First Nations males and females who were at risk of homelessness and had a mental health condition (450 and 499 persons, respectively) (Table HH.3).

1. Data reported for persons 15 years and over.
2. The mental health condition variable is derived from responses to the Count of long-term health conditions (CLTHP) question. It counts the number of people who marked ‘Mental health condition (including depression or anxiety)’ on the form. The non-response rates for Count of long-term health conditions (CLTHP) among First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians experiencing homelessness in 2021 were 16.9% and 11.0%, respectively. For First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians at risk of homelessness, the non-response rates for CLTHP were 7.4% and 4.7%, respectively.
3. The ABS statistical definition of homelessness is: When a person does not have suitable accommodation alternatives, they are considered homeless if their current living arrangement: is in a dwelling that is inadequate; has no tenure, or if their initial tenure is short and not extendable; does not allow them to have control of, and access to, space for social relations.
4. Homeless category includes persons living in improvised dwellings, tents, or sleeping out; persons in supported accommodation for the homeless; persons staying temporarily with other households; persons living in boarding houses; persons in other temporary lodgings; persons living in 'severely' crowded dwellings.
5. At risk of homelessness means that the living arrangements are close to the statistical boundary of homelessness and the person may be at risk of homelessness. Other types of marginal housing, such as housing with major structural problems or where residents are in constant threat of violence, cannot be obtained from the Census and are therefore not included.
6. At risk of homelessness includes persons living in other crowded dwellings, persons in other improvised dwellings, persons who are marginally housed in caravan parks.
7. Cells in this table have been randomly adjusted to avoid the release of confidential data. No reliance should be placed on small cells.
8. For more information about the Homelessness operational groups (OPGP) variable, see Explanatory notes in the Download data tables.

Housing tenure

The Indigenous Mental Health and Suicide Prevention Clearinghouse (the Clearinghouse) has used 3 social and emotional wellbeing measures – psychological distress, level of mastery and perceived social support – from the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) 2018–19 to identify relationships between housing tenure, overcrowding, mental health conditions and SEWB. For more information on these scales, see the topic page on Social and emotional wellbeing.

In 2018–19, 32% (149,900 persons) of First Nations people reported owning their home (with or without a mortgage). The proportion of people who owned their home was almost the same for people who had a current, diagnosed mental health condition and those who did not (30% and 33%, respectively) (Table HH.4).

A greater proportion of people who owned their own home, with or without a mortgage, reported High mastery (75%), compared with people who rented (60%) (Figure 3; Table HH.5).

1. Data is reported for personal 18 years and over.
2. Owner includes owners with a mortgage and owners without a mortgage.
3. Total excludes people living rent free, in life tenure schemes, participating in rent/buy (or shared equity) schemes, and other arrangements not otherwise specified and Unable to determine.
4. Data were collected from a survey sample and converted into estimates for the whole population. The overall coverage of the 2018–19 NATSIHS was approximately 33% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons in Australia. The survey results were weighted to the projected Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population at 31 December 2018, which was 814,013.
5. For information about the measurement of level of mastery in the NATSIHS, see Explanatory notes in the Download data tables.

Overcrowding

Housing is defined as overcrowded if one or more additional bedrooms are required to adequately house its inhabitants, given the number, age, sex and relationships of household members (AIHW 2014).

The data presented in this section are sourced from the NATSIHS 2018–19 and are for persons aged 18 and over. Estimates are calculated using a sample selected from a population rather than all members of that population. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data. These data may differ slightly to the ABS Census data presented on the Closing the Gap Information repository for Target 9A due to differences in reference periods and methodology.

In 2018–19, almost one-fifth (18% or 145,336 people) of First Nations people of all ages were living in overcrowded housing compared to 5% (1,102,899 people) of non-Indigenous Australians. One-fifth (20% or 69,454) of First Nations households lived in dwellings that did not meet an acceptable standard of living – this is defined as households with 4 working facilities (for washing people, washing clothes/bedding, storing/preparing food, and sewerage) and not more than 2 major structural problems (AIHW 2022a, 2023a).

First Nations people living in non-remote areas were less likely to report living in overcrowded housing than people in remote areas (90% compared with 61%). In non-remote areas, the proportion of people in housing that was not overcrowded was about the same for people with and without a current, diagnosed mental health condition (90% and 90%, respectively). However, in remote areas, there was a notable difference between these proportions. Around three quarters (76%) of people with a mental health condition report living in housing that was not overcrowded, compared with less than two thirds (59%) of people without a mental health condition (Table HH.6).

The proportion of people reporting Low/Moderate psychological distress was almost the same among people in overcrowded housing and those not in overcrowded housing (70% and 68%, respectively) and did not seem to vary by remoteness (Table HH.7).

In non-remote areas, people living in overcrowded housing were less likely to report High mastery (58%) but more likely to report High perceived social support (69%) than those who did not live in overcrowded housing (66% and 59%, respectively) (Table HH.7).

Homelessness services

The data presented in this section are sourced from the AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data.

Specialist homelessness agencies provide services to assist those experiencing homelessness or who are at risk of homelessness. Services range from general support and assistance to immediate crisis accommodation. From 2011–12 to 2022–23, the proportion of First Nations clients of specialist homelessness services who reported a current mental health issue increased from 14% (6,223 clients) to 25% (18,550 clients) (AIHW 2024) (Figure 4; Table HH.8).

1. First Nations percentages have been calculated using total number of First Nations clients as the denominator.
2. Non-Indigenous percentages have been calculated using total number of non-Indigenous clients as the denominator.
3. Those with a mental health issue refers to clients who meet any of the following criteria. Those who reported ‘mental health issues’ as a reason for seeking assistance or main reason for seeking assistance, were assessed as having a need for psychological services, psychiatric services or mental health services, were formally referred to the agency by a mental health services, were receiving services or assistance for their mental health issues or had in the last 12 months, had been in a psychiatric hospital or unit in the last 12 months or had a dwelling type of psychiatric hospital or unit.
4. An individual client may have had more than one support period – either from the same agency or from a different agency. Data from individual clients who received services from different agencies and/or at different times are matched based on a statistical linkage key (SLK). All analyses based on client data include only those clients for whom full and valid SLK data (i.e. date of birth, sex, and alpha code based on selected letters of name) are available.

In 2022–23, mental health-related services or assistance (including psychological, psychiatric and mental health services) were commonly required services for First Nations people presenting to specialist homelessness services. The proportion of First Nations clients who required, but were not referred to, or provided with, mental health-related services or assistance trended upwards from 21% in 2011–12, reaching a peak of 39% in 2020–21. The proportion of unmet need then decreased in 2021–22 and 2022–23 (38% and 35%, respectively) (AIHW 2023b) (Figure 5; Table HH.9).

1. Percentages are of need identified.
2. Group is a count of unique clients within all categories in the service and assistance group. A client may request multiple services and assistance types; therefore the sum of the categories is not equal to the group total.
3. Data for 2017–18 were not weighted. The removal of weighting does not constitute a break in time series and weighted data from 2011–12 to 2016–17 are comparable with unweighted data for 2017–18.

Key terms

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey 2018–19 used the following definitions:

Acceptable standard of living refers to households with 4 separate working facilities for:

washing people
washing clothes and bedding
storing and preparing food
sewerage

Households must not have more than 2 major structural problems to meet acceptable standards of living (ABS 2019).

A mental health or behavioural condition refers to the following:

depression (including feeling depressed)
anxiety
harmful use or dependence on alcohol or drugs
behavioural or emotional problems such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and conduct disorders in children and adolescents and adults
other mental health conditions such as organic mental problems, other mood (affective) disorders, other anxiety related problems, and psychological development (ABS 2019).

The owner of a dwelling can be either an:

owner without a mortgage—if there is no mortgage or loan secured against the dwelling.
owner with a mortgage—if there is any outstanding mortgage or loan secured against the dwelling.

It refers to a household when at least 1 member owns the dwelling in which the household members usually live.

Overcrowding: A dwelling is overcrowded if it needs extra bedrooms to house everyone who lives there. The term is defined by the Canadian National Occupancy Standard.

Level of mastery was determined using the Pearlin Mastery Scale, which is a set of seven statements used to measure how much a person feels in control over life events and outcomes. Higher levels of mastery can lessen the impact of stress on a person’s physical and mental wellbeing. Respondents were asked to respond to each statement by selecting one of four responses presented on a prompt card, ranging from ‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’. Responses to the statements were combined to produce an overall score between seven and 28. The scores were then grouped to describe the level of mastery as low (7–19) or high (20–28). The Pearlin mastery scale was asked of people living in non-remote areas only (ABS 2019).

Perceived social support was determined using a set of six statements from the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS), which measure a person’s perception of the social support they receive from family and friends. Respondents were asked to respond to each statement by selecting one of seven responses presented on a prompt card, ranging from ‘very strongly disagree’ to ‘very strongly agree’. ‘Don’t know’ and refusal options were available and, if selected, a score was unable to be determined. Responses to the statements were combined to produce a family score, a friends score and an overall score. The family, friends and overall scores were grouped to describe the level of perceived social support from each dimension as low (1–2.9), moderate (3–5) or high (5.1–7). The MSPSS was asked of people living in non-remote areas only (ABS 2019).

Psychological distress was determined using the Kessler 5 (K5), which is a measure of non-specific psychological distress, derived from a modified version of the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10). It is designed for use in surveys of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Respondents were asked questions about how often they had experienced negative emotional states in the previous four weeks by selecting one of five responses, ranging from ‘all of the time’ to ‘none of the time’. Responses were combined to produce an overall score between five and 25. The scores were then grouped to describe the level of psychological distress as low/moderate (5–11) or high/very high (12–25) (ABS 2019).

Where do I go for more information?

This information was compiled from the following data sources: Specialist Homelessness Services Collection (SHSC), the ABS Census of Population and Housing, 2021 and the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) 2018–19. More information about these data sources and their data quality is available in Data sources.

For more information about the housing and homelessness of First Nations people, see the AIHW reports: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people: a focus report on housing and homelessness, Homelessness Services, or Housing Data Dashboard

For more information about the use of specialist homelessness services for clients with a mental health issue, see the AIHW report: Mental health services in Australia.

For more information about access to traditional land, see Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework.

Data quality issues

Census of Population and Housing, 2021

There are four principal sources of error in Census data: respondent error, processing error, non-response and undercount. Quality management of the Census program aims to reduce error as much as possible and to provide a measure of the remaining error to data users to allow them to use the data in an informed way (ABS 2022). See Managing Census quality on the ABS website for more information.

Notes have been added to Clearinghouse Download tables where individual questions with substantial non-response rates (‘Not stated’ responses) have been used in Clearinghouse analysis.

National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey, 2018–19

Care has been taken to ensure that the results of survey data presented above are as accurate as possible. However, the following factors should be considered when interpreting these estimates:

Data are collected from a self-report survey, and responses may differ from information available from other sources.
Accuracy of responses may be affected by the length of time between events experienced and participation in the survey.
Some people may have provided responses they felt were expected, rather than those that accurately reflect their own situation (ABS 2019).

See ABS NATSIHS 2019 Methodology for more information.

References

ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) 2012. Information paper – a statistical definition of homelessness, ABS cat. no. 4922.0. Canberra: ABS.

ABS 2019. National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health survey, 2018–19. ABS cat. no. 4715.0. Canberra: ABS.

ABS 2021. Census of Population and Housing, 2021, Canberra: ABS, accessed on 25 March 2024.

ABS 2022. Managing Census quality, ABS website, Canberra: ABS, accessed 17 October 2024.

AIHW (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) 2014. Housing circumstances of Indigenous households: tenure and overcrowding. Cat. no. IHW 132. Canberra: AIHW.

AIHW 2022a. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework. Data tables: Measure 2.02 Access to functional housing with utilities. Canberra: AIHW. Viewed 8 November 2023.

AIHW 2022b. Australia's children. Canberra: AIHW. Viewed 10 November 2023.

AIHW 2023a. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework. Data tables: Measure 2.01 Housing. Canberra: AIHW. Viewed 8 November 2023.

AIHW 2023b. Specialist homelessness services annual report 2022–23. Cat. no. HOU 333. Canberra: AIHW. Viewed 13 February 2024.

AIHW 2024. Specialist Homelessness Services Collection data cubes 2011–12 to 2022–23. Canberra: AIHW. Viewed 04 May 2023.

AIHW & NIAA (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare and National Indigenous Australians Agency) 2023. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework: Measure 2.01 Housing. Viewed 8 November 2023.

Brackertz N & Wilkinson A 2017. Research synthesis of social and economic outcomes of good housing for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People.

Brackertz N, Wilkinson A & Davison J 2018. Housing, homelessness and mental health: towards systems change. AHURI Research Paper. Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute Limited.

Buergelt PT, Maypilama EL, McPhee J, Dhurrkay G, Nirrpuranydji S, Mänydjurrpuy S et al. 2017. Housing and overcrowding in remote Indigenous communities: impacts and solutions from a holistic perspective. Energy Procedia 121:270–277. doi:10.1016/j.egypro.2017.08.027.

Burgess C, Johnston F, Berry H, McDonnell J, Yibarbuk D et al. 2009. Healthy country, healthy people: The relationship between Indigenous health status and caring for country. Medical Journal of Australia 190(10):567–572.

CFFR (Council on Federal Financial Relations) 2019. National Housing and Homelessness Agreement. Viewed 09 June 2021, https://www.federalfinancialrelations.gov.au/content/housing_homelessness_agreement.aspx

Fitzpatrick S, Bramley G & Johnsen S 2013. Pathways into multiple exclusion homelessness in seven UK cities. Urban Studies 50:1.

Foster G, Gronda H, Mallett S & Bentley R 2011. Precarious housing and health: research synthesis.

Gee G, Dudgeon P, Schultz C, Hart A & Kelly K 2014. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social and emotional wellbeing. In: Dudgeon P, Milroy H & Walker R (eds). Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health and wellbeing principles and practice. 2nd edn. Canberra: Australian Government, pp. 55-68.

Hohmann J 2020. Toward a right to housing for Australia: Reframing affordability debates through article 11(1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Australian Journal of Human Rights.
doi:10.1080/1323238X.2020.1813378

Johnson G, Scutella R, Tseng Y & Wood G 2015. Entries and exits from homelessness: a dynamic analysis of the relationship between structural conditions and individual characteristics. Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) final report no. 248. Melbourne: AHURI.

Memmott P, Long S, Chambers C & Spring F 2004. Re-thinking Indigenous homelessness. AHURI Research and Policy Bulletin 42:1–6.

Osborne K, Baum F & Brown L 2013. What works? A review of actions addressing the social and economic determinants of Indigenous health. Cat. no. IHW 113. Canberra: AIHW.

PM&C (Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet) 2017. National Strategic Framework for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Mental Health and Social and Emotional Wellbeing. Canberra: Australian Government.

Wood G, Batterham D, Cigdem M & Mallet S 2015. The structural drivers of homelessness in Australia 2001–11. Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) final report no. 238. Melbourne: AHURI.

Data tables

Table number and title	Source	Reference period
Table HH.1: Homelessness, by Indigenous status, 2021	AIHW analysis of ABS Census of Population and Housing, 2021	2021
Table HH.2: Presence of mental health conditions among people who are homelessness, by Indigenous status, 2021	AIHW analysis of ABS Census of Population and Housing, 2021	2021
Table HH.3: Presence of mental health conditions among First Nations people who are homelessness, by sex, 2021	AIHW analysis of ABS Census of Population and Housing, 2021	2021
Table HH.4: Housing tenure type among First Nations people, by presence of mental health condition, 2018–19	AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS	2018–19
Table HH.5: Level of mastery among First Nations people, by housing tenure type, 2018–19	AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS	2018–19
Table HH.6: Overcrowding among First Nations people, by presence of mental health conditions, 2018–19	AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS	2018–19
Table HH.7: Social and emotional wellbeing among First Nations people, by overcrowding, 2018–19	AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS	2018–19
Table HH.8: Specialist homelessness services clients with a current mental health issue, by Indigenous status, 2011–12 to 2022–23	AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection	2011–12 to 2022–23
Table HH.9: First Nations specialist homelessness services clients with unmet need, by service and assistance type and service provision status, 2011–12 to 2022–23	AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection	2011–12 to 2022–23