About this topic
Culture is a broad term. It includes traditional practices, ways of understanding the world, and methods of expression such as language, celebrations and events. Country refers to an area of land or sea on which First Nations people have a traditional or spiritual association. Spirituality is a way of understanding life and connection with others. Individual Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures have specific spiritualities that are connected to Country and community.
Culture and spirituality can be expressed through many contemporary and traditional forms including language, dress, kinship, social norms, stories, music, song, dance, visual art, literature and film. Through these practices, culture can provide a sense of belonging that contributes to individual and community wellbeing.
Connection to culture, Country and spirituality and ancestors
Connection to culture, connection to Country and connection to spirituality and ancestors are 3 of the 7 domains of social and emotional wellbeing for First Nations people.
Social and emotional wellbeing is a holistic way of looking at relationships between individuals, family, kin and community in the context of land, culture, spirituality and ancestry. Cultural groups and individuals each have their own interpretation of social and emotional wellbeing (Gee et al. 2014).
Factors that support the connections to culture, Country and spirituality and ancestors include cultural education, time spent on Country, and opportunities to attend ceremonies. Factors that adversely affect these domains include services that are not culturally safe, languages being under threat, and access to Country being restricted (PM&C 2017).
Disconnection from Country can affect the connection to body, mind and emotions. Physical and mental health outcomes can be improved from being on and caring for Country (Burgess et al. 2009; PM&C 2017).
Culture
Culture is informed by history and heritage. It is also dynamic as it differs across time, geographic areas and groups of people (Paradies 2006). Often, rituals and ceremonies connect person, land and place (Dudgeon et al. 2017). Taking part in traditional customs and rites of passage can provide opportunities to learn about practices, acceptable behaviours, or familial and cultural responsibilities (Dudgeon et al. 2017). Cultural activities can also provide a sense of continuity with the past and help underpin a strong identity that contributes to wellbeing (PM&C 2017).
Country
Improvements in physical and mental health outcomes can be experienced as a result of being on and caring for Country. These outcomes include improved diet, more frequent physical activity, lower blood pressure and lowered psychological distress (Burgess et al. 2009). Connection to Country can be maintained by:
- recognising an area as Country that one belongs to
- having access to Country
- continuing cultural responsibilities to Country (Gee et al. 2014).
Country is a holistic concept based on the belief that all things—people, land and seas—are connected (Nursey-Bray & Palmer 2018). Management of land and seas can be disrupted by human-induced and natural environmental factors (Burgess et al. 2009).
In 2020, all Australian governments and the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations worked in partnership to develop the National Agreement on Closing the Gap- external site opens in new window (the National Agreement), built around 4 Priority Reforms. The National Agreement also identifies 19 targets across 17 socioeconomic outcome areas. Three of these targets directly relate to culture and Country, monitored annually by the Productivity Commission.
National Agreement on Closing the Gap: culture and Country-related targets
Outcome area 15: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people maintain a distinctive cultural, spiritual, physical and economic relationship with their land and waters
- Target A: By 2030, a 15% increase in Australia’s land mass subject to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s legal rights or interests (from 3,908,387 square kilometres in 2020 to 4,498,431 square kilometres by 2030).
- Status: As at 30 June 2022, 4,138,356 square kilometres of the land mass of Australia were subject to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s rights or interests. This is higher than the target trajectory of 4,026,396 square kilometres.
- Target B: By 2030, a 15% increase in areas covered by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s legal rights or interests in the sea (from 90,252 square kilometres in 2020 to 103,790 square kilometres by 2030).
- Status: As at 30 June 2022, 91,111 square kilometres of the sea country of Australia were subject to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s rights or interests. This is lower than the target trajectory of 92,960 square kilometres.
Outcome area 16: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and languages are strong, supported and flourishing
- Target: By 2031, there is a sustained increase in number and strength of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages being spoken (from 123 languages spoken, with 14 considered strong, in 2018–19 to 124 languages spoken, with 15 considered strong, by 2030–31).
- Status: Progress towards this target could not be assessed because there were no new data on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages being spoken since the baseline year of 2018-19.
Spirituality
Spirituality can be described as providing ‘a sense of purpose and meaning’. The mental health and emotional wellbeing of First Nations people can be influenced by their relationship with traditional beliefs and metaphysical worldviews (PM&C 2017).
In many First Nations cultures, poor connection to spirituality can adversely affect mental health. Spiritual healing practices by traditional healers may aid in the treatment of mental health conditions (Ypinazar et al. 2007). Practices can include restoring the spiritual balance of an individual through massage, coaxing and using sacred tools (Dudgeon & Walker 2015). Traditional healers (such as Ngangkaris in the Ngaanyatjarra, Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara lands) partner with psychiatrists and psychologists in contemporary practice to calm and heal a person’s spirit. Symptoms such as a weakened spirit and community disconnection may require cultural resolution and healing with culturally appropriate counselling services (Gee et al. 2014).
Key statistics
Connection to family and community, land and sea, culture and identity has been identified as integral to health and wellbeing from an Aboriginal perspective (NAHSWP 1989). Connection to Country is one of the cultural determinants of First Nations health; that is, a protective factor that supports good health and wellbeing for First Nations people (DoHAC 2021).
The Indigenous Mental Health and Suicide Prevention Clearinghouse (the Clearinghouse) has used 2 social and emotional wellbeing measures – psychological distress and perceived social support – from the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) 2018–19 to identify relationships between cultural identity, access to Country, mental health conditions and SEWB. For more information about these scales, see the topic page on Social and emotional wellbeing.
The data presented below are sourced from the NATSIHS 2018–19 and are for persons aged 18 and over. Estimates are calculated using a sample selected from a population rather than all members of that population. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data.
Connection to culture
Evidence suggests that the loss of culture and its lasting effects on First Nations people is a risk factor for future suicidal behaviour (Dudgeon et al. 2010; Dudgeon et al. 2017). In relation to cultural identity, in 2018-19:
- 65% (314,166) of First Nations people identified with a tribal/ language group or clan (AIHW 2020)
- 97% (467,300) of First Nations people were proud of their culture and/or being Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander (Table CCS.1)
- nearly 10% (46,700) spoke an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander language at home (Table CCS.2).
Among people who identified with a tribal group, language group or clan, the proportion of people reporting Low/Moderate psychological distress was similar between categories. People who identified with a Language group had the greatest proportion of people also reporting Low/Moderate psychological distress (70%) and people who identified with a Mission had the smallest proportion (63%) (Table CCS.3)
People who were Very satisfied/satisfied with their knowledge of own culture were more likely to report Low/Moderate psychological distress (70%), compared with people who were Not very satisfied/not at satisfied (63%) (Table CCS.4)
Among people in non-remote areas, perceived social support increased slightly with level of satisfaction with knowledge of own culture, with 62% of people feeling Very satisfied or Satisfied with their knowledge of their own culture also reporting a High perceived social support (Figure 1; Table CCS.4).
People feeling Not very satisfied or Not at all satisfied were more likely to report Low perceived social support (13%). This compared with 7.6% for people reporting feeling Very satisfied/Satisfied about knowledge of own culture) (Figure 1; Table CCS.4).
Connection to homelands and Country
While the evidence suggests there are health benefits in connections to Country and culture, for many people, living on Country is no longer an option. For those living in non-remote areas, visits may be the only realistic possibility (AIHW & NIAA 2020).
In 2018–19:
- most First Nations people aged 18 and over recognised their homelands or traditional Country as an area of land with ancestral and cultural links (74% or an estimated 357,837 people)
- more than a quarter (27% or 130,521) of First Nations adults reported they lived on their homelands or traditional Country
- almost half (45% or 218,084) lived elsewhere but were allowed to visit
- few (0.4% or 1,861) were unable to visit their homelands or traditional Country (AIHW 2020).
For people who reported that they recognised homelands or traditional Country, the proportion of people reporting Low/Moderate psychological distress (69%) were similar to those who did not recognise homelands (67%). These proportions were also similar between non-remote and remote areas (68% and 71%, respectively) (Table CCS.5).
There was more of a difference for those who reported living on homelands or Traditional Country. Around three quarters (73%) of those who lived on homelands experienced Low/moderate psychological distress, compared with two thirds (66%) of those who did not (Figure 2; Table CCS.5).
Data tables
Table number and title | Source | Reference period |
---|---|---|
Table CCS.1: Whether proud of being Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander, by sex, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
Table CCS.2: Main language spoken at home among First Nations people, by sex, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
Table CCS.3: Psychological distress among First Nations people, by cultural identity, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
Table CCS.4: Social and emotional wellbeing among First Nations people, by satisfaction with knowledge of own culture, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
Table CCS.5: Psychological distress among First Nations people by access to traditional Country, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |